May 27, 2025
MANILA – The ongoing cabinet revamp and the sweeping purge of government bureaucracy under President Bongbong Marcos (BBM) is a dramatic spectacle that directly affects governance, accountability and the future of Philippine democracy. With over 5,000 heads of agencies, all presidential appointees, now ordered to submit courtesy resignations, which I believe is not intended to all but only targets a select few, those who do not fit in this administration’s new direction. Historically, political purges in administrations are used as tools for consolidating power and eliminating opposition. Such actions can be traced back where former leaders sought to strengthen their control over government institutions by replacing officials.
First and foremost, it is essential to recognize that many of these presidential appointees were selected through endorsements from the winning UNITEAM and their benefactors in the 2022 elections. I mean, endorsed appointees in government of now PBBM’s adversaries Vice President Sara Duterte, and the powerful Iglesia Ni Cristo voting bloc. In effect, a wide-ranging loyalty check, but bigger questions loom large. Will this revamp genuinely root out the entrenched interests and corruption that have plagued the bureaucracy, or is it merely a façade to consolidate power?
The midterm election results have clearly shaken the foundation of the administration, highlighted vulnerabilities and exposing weaknesses in its political strategy. The poor performance has not only emboldened opposition forces but also sparked internal discord, with blame cast on key figures within the president’s camp, the colossal failure of his Alyansa lieutenants mainly national campaign manager Toby Tiangco and Presidential Assistant for Mindanao Antonio Lagdameo, who are now spewing several excuses.
During the campaign period, we saw the dismal failure of the Marcos administration to counter the dominance of the Duterte supporters in social media, leaving out the Pinklawans as its direct challengers. Just last year, the highly effective anti-VP Sara Duterte campaign in social media during the House impeachment and Quadcom live probes were effectively shut off without replacement when Malacañang scuttled House Speaker Martin Romualdez and his Appropriations head Zaldy Co in the famous seven-second ouster in January this year. Then PBBM appointed Tiangco as Alyansa campaign manager in February and with the arrest of Duterte and transfer to the Hague, the administration and the Alyansa campaign group suddenly became eerily silent on social media. And this abdication was manifested in the recent election results.
The lack of engagement on social media left a vacuum that opposition forces swiftly filled, allowing them to shape the narrative and sway public opinion. This silence also contributed to a disconnect between the administration and its supporters, leading to diminished enthusiasm and mobilization during the elections. Consequently, the administration’s failure to leverage digital platforms effectively played a significant role in its electoral setbacks, as it struggled to counter the opposition’s messaging and maintain its influence among the electorate.
Aside from the major Cabinet reset, and shakeup of select frontliner agencies, the Marcos administration today needs to revive its strong social media presence to communicate its accomplishments or even controversies to the listening younger generation now proven dominant in our elections. It is not a question of whether BBM has failed to deliver on critical national issues. The reality is that his achievements were never explained fully in social media, purposely neglected or abdicated by his campaign manager or communications group.
In a parliamentary system, such electoral failures typically lead to calls for the resignation of the entire government, with perhaps the campaign manager owning up to his failure. But this did not happen, and ours being a presidential system, Marcos Jr still seems too decent to publicly pinpoint the real cause of Alyansa’s campaign and its communications failure. Of course, as President, he is ultimately responsible, but Palace insiders believe that he was misled in the real election situation inputted on him by his closest and most trusted friends and advisers.
Now, lessons learned, the President looks at his remaining three years or 36 months as a new road to single-handedly lead the country starting with severed ties with the Duterte camp allied with the INC. While this could potentially isolate the President from former powerful political blocs, this will allow him to rebrand his administration, fostering new alliances and appealing to a broader segment of an electorate seeking meaningful change.
Our nation is in a very tough time with an upcoming Senate impeachment trial of VP Sara Duterte, the continued ICC incarceration of former President Rodrigo Duterte, plus multiple aggressions by China in the West Philippine Sea, the threatened invasion of Taiwan and looming breakout of war or hostilities in the Indo-Pacific.
The recent administration purge may be a classic case of political theater not just to project a new image of decisiveness and control but also to create genuine reform and accountability. Under threat from VP Sara, pro-Digong allied with the INC, this President is entitled to self-preservation. And his move to cleanse the government ranks, rid it of people identified with his enemies, is both a rational and expected reaction. We must understand that in the next three years, President Marcos jr., is duty bound for a peaceful transition of power to his successor, whoever she or he is.
But so far, the lines are becoming clearer. A super majority in the House of Representatives (285 as of last counting) has endorsed the leadership again of Speaker Martin Romualdez. With 36 days to go before the Fourth SONA in July, an ocean of political attacks and vicious vitriol will again hound Romualdez, but numbers are numbers, unless challenged. Even PBBM cannot remove his cousin as House Speaker with these numbers.
In the Senate, an interesting leadership contest is happening with contenders, incumbent President Chiz Escudero, incoming senator-elects Tito Sotto, Imee Marcos and Loren Legarda. The magic number is 13 senator-votes. With VP Sara’s impeachment upcoming, the chosen Senate leader is a powerful choice in a now heavily divided Senate.
From my count, the administration has 11 senators, while the pro-Duterte has 9 (with Imee, two Villars and two Cayetanos) and the Liberal party with four (including Ejercito). How this plays out in July will be very interesting. But my guess is that it will either be Senator-elect Tito Sotto or my dark horse Loren Legarda.
Within the next three years, this administration will seek to attain a cohesive and functional cabinet safe from its political enemies and detractors. PBBM must prioritize the selection of capable leaders who can navigate the complexities of governance and restore public confidence. He must implement an effective communications campaign focused on social media where most of our young voters get their news and information. His communication group must directly challenge the current dominance of pro-Duterte and Pinklawans on social media to effectively explain his genuine commitment to reform, accountability and transparency. By doing this, he and his people in government can hope to regain the trust of the Filipino people and build a government that truly serves the interests of the nation.
For the sake of this country, let us hope for the best.