May 29, 2024
DHAKA – The massive wealth accumulated by a top police official, whose primary task is to maintain law and order, is hard to fathom. The scale and magnitude of the former IGP’s wealth acquisition make it clear that it is not possible through petty grafts, but rather requires extortion and corruption at the highest levels. To understand this issue, we must look back at the tenure of the former police chief Benazir Ahmed.
Benazir uniquely served in three of the most coveted roles in the police force: Commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), Director General of the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), and Inspector General of Police (IGP). These positions ideally require extraordinary competence, integrity, and professional excellence.
Did you know that he was awarded the Integrity Award for the year 2020-21 in recognition of the integrity he displayed in his profession? According to a Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) report, on June 28, 2022, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal handed over the award to him in an official ceremony, which included a certificate, a crest and money equivalent to one month’s basic salary. Given recent revelations, it raises questions about whether he was rewarded for actual merit or if this reflects deeper issues within the governance system. One is forced to wonder what kind of vetting process was used to verify the integrity of the top cop, as only a few months before this award, on the very day that the US announced its sanctions, Benazir Ahmed had hosted quite an extraordinarily lavish reception marking the wedding of one of his daughters.
Many of Benazir Ahmed’s public statements since assuming high office aligned more with the ruling party’s political stance than with the neutral stance expected of a civil servant. His rise to these top positions occurred during a politically turbulent period, marked by events like the rise of Hefazat-e Islam, Jamaat-e-Islami’s opposition to war crimes trials, the BNP-led boycott of the 2014 election, and the emergence of various Islamist terror outfits. His aggressive policies against both political dissent and terrorism raised suspicions about his motivations, with many observers detecting political ambitions behind his actions.
Following widespread accusations of extrajudicial killings by Rab, which were condemned by human rights organisations both domestically and internationally, Benazir termed these accusations as “cheap propaganda.” After assuming the office of the Director General of Rab, he went as far as to say, “Should the law enforcers remain a mute spectator while criminals commit crime? Why have the arms been issued to the law enforcers? Is it to play Hadudu?”
His defiant tone and disregard for strict abidance of law didn’t remain unnoticed. At that time, many of us urged him to stop deviating from the law and violating human rights, which could attract sanctions from western nations.
Indeed, Ahmed’s policies had dire consequences for Rab. In 2021, he and seven top Rab officials faced US sanctions. Despite these issues, he and the police force continued to support the government, often cracking down on dissent and aiding in the suppression of opposition. Reports from the 2018 election highlighted police involvement in intimidating opposition and alleged ballot stuffing.
Under the Awami League’s rule, there have been persistent allegations of politicising law enforcement. Recruitment, promotion, and postings in critical positions often seemed reserved for those with connections to the ruling party. These suspicions were reinforced by the official commendations given during the annual Police Week in various years, which included recognition for controversial actions like arresting acclaimed photographer Shahidul Alam for his alleged offence of commenting and reporting student protests, detaining opposition politicians, and their role in the 2018 election.
The politicisation of the police force has alarmed civil society. On February 5, 2019, during Police Week 2019, Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) issued a statement expressing concerns over the erosion of public trust in policing. This context explains why real integrity did not seem to matter in the case of Benazir’s award.
Benazir’s political allegiance was so significant that the government nominated him for a UN conference in New York despite his entry into the US being restricted due to sanctions. His participation required a diplomatic exemption under the UN charter. During his visit, he spoke at a public meeting attended by leaders of the Awami League’s US branch, criticising expatriate journalists as “information terrorists.”
Benazir’s partisan rhetoric was consistent and intentional. After the US imposed sanctions, he portrayed critics of the government as conspirators and emphasised the government’s achievements in reducing poverty, aligning his narrative with the ruling party’s political messaging.
The Anti-Corruption Commission’s indictment reveals that Benazir amassed most of his wealth while leading Rab and the police, a situation possible only in a politically enabling environment that allowed him to wield power without accountability. Attempts by some ministers to distance the government from his crimes and deflect political responsibility are opportunistic. These revelations follow closely on the heels of the US government’s anti-kleptocracy action against former army chief General Aziz Ahmed, highlighting systemic issues within the state’s hierarchy during the same period. It also raises questions about how widespread the prevalence of corruption is and whether any existing mechanism is capable of tackling it effectively.