June 3, 2025
DHAKA – After this government came to power through a historic mass uprising, big expectations naturally followed. This is an interim government, with limited powers and tenure, we are all aware of that. And knowing this, society has developed expectations in line with the spirit of the uprising, focusing on what can realistically be achieved and what new paths might be forged.
What we demand of them are actionable measures, tasks that are feasible and within their scope. For example, first and foremost is identifying the real culprits of the July killings, conducting a proper investigation, and expediting the judicial process. While it seems that a tribunal has been formed and investigations are going on, we are simultaneously witnessing a disturbing trend: numerous indiscriminate, false, and deliberately harassing cases being filed in the hundreds. In many instances, the complainants themselves do not even know the accused individuals. Yet, such cases are being filed.
The government claims with statements such as, “We didn’t file these, an individual did.” But what is the government’s responsibility if not to ensure justice? As a result, the judicial process is becoming farcical, and the blame lies squarely with the government. This farce continues, particularly affecting teachers, writers, artists, journalists, lawyers, doctors and other individuals with no conceivable link to the killings. Some were even outside Bangladesh at the time. This continues to happen and is deeply regrettable.
Secondly, during the Awami League era, institutional failure became widespread. Functioning bodies were filled with submissive, corrupt, government-aligned individuals. This interim government was expected to reverse that trend—to appoint qualified people and vet them properly. However, we are now seeing unqualified individuals or politically aligned figures with various allegations against them being placed in universities and other institutions, a continuation of past practices. One of the key reasons for unrest in many institutions is “mob” interference. When mobs incite violence in institutions, appointments and removals are being made according to their wishes, which destroys institutional process again.
Thirdly, large sections of society, including workers, employees, students, and teachers, have long-standing grievances and have suffered discrimination and deprivation under the previous autocratic government. They had hoped that their voices would finally be heard. They have submitted demands and memoranda, but in most cases, the government has responded with a chilling indifference.
Those pursuing legitimate demands were either ignored or attacked, even peaceful protesters are facing harsh treatment. Police assaults, harassment, and intimidation are common, even though the same government is apparently incapable or unwilling to take action against those engaging in coercion or mob violence.
Environmental and ecological damage from the previous government’s mega projects also remains unaddressed. For instance, Panthakunja and Hatirjheel in Dhaka are under threat from the illegal extension of a mega project. Youth protesters have been demonstrating there for more than 160 days, enduring heat, rain, and mosquitoes. Yet the government remains indifferent. Such cold detachment from public concerns is unacceptable from a post-uprising government. When people raise legitimate issues, the government must respond, but it is failing to do so.
Fourth, instead of increasing national institutional capability, the previous government pursued policies to patronise private big corporate, domestic and foreign interests, against national interest. Bad deals in the energy sector were signed that harmed the economy and the environment in the long term. The interim government was expected to change this direction. While they cannot undo everything, they were expected to at least begin a shift. Instead, we see a continuation of the same trend.
Take the Chattogram seaport, for instance. There appears to be an attempt to hand it over to a foreign company. Such initiatives began in the late 1990s, when proposals were placed to lease the port for 199 years to a US company (Prothom Alo, December 30, 2024). But widespread public protests saved the country. The National Committee organised long marches, workers demonstrated, and legal battles were fought. Investigations exposed fraudulent documentation of the US company, and public opposition ultimately forced a cancellation (Desh Rupantor, May 31, 2025).
Yet, the efforts persist, now involving another foreign company called DP World. If the interim government really takes reform agenda seriously then their role should be to enhance national capability, improve the port’s technological, operational, and institutional efficiency, and develop a clear policy framework. But instead, the same corporate interests that have long targeted the port are being entertained once again. This is deeply troubling.
In addition, we have seen other concerning initiatives, such as signing a contract with Starlink, a move with long-term implications. Allegations exist against Starlink and Elon Musk, even within the US. A temporary, interim government should not enter into contracts with such lasting impact, especially without public discussion or consultation with the mass uprising’s stakeholders, whose support legitimised this government.
Similarly, an LNG import contract has been signed in secrecy. Even Petrobangla was unaware of this deal. This was signed at a time when we should be moving away from coal and imported LNG, and towards boosting national capability. That means strengthening local institutions so Bangladesh can conduct its own gas exploration and develop renewable energy. Instead, LNG imports, Adani deals, coal-based power and nuclear projects are being continued. This is the very direction the current government was meant to change.
Lack of transparency and coordination within the government is also evident. Take the issue of the “corridor.” The foreign adviser stated that a decision was made in principle. Yet, following public protest, conflicting statements emerged. The government claimed no such decision had been made. More recently, the national security adviser and high representative to the chief adviser, a figure already facing various allegations, rebranded the corridor as a “channel.” This lack of transparency and internal contradiction, coupled with the government’s eagerness to serve corporate interests, is highly concerning.
The interim government’s focus should instead be on justice for the killings and rehabilitation of the injured, issues that remain unresolved. Institutional instability continues. Workers are protesting over unpaid wages. There is no resolution in sight for ongoing issues affecting women. Long-standing cases, such as the murders of Tonu, Taqi, Sagor Runi, Munia, remain unsolved, despite high expectations that this government would address them swiftly.
Although reform commissions have been formed and have submitted their reports, implementation of feasible sections of those reports is lacking. The government seems detached from the very reforms it was expected to lead. These commissions are operating in isolation, with no sign of official commitment to their recommendations.
In conclusion, rather than focusing on genuine reform, the government appears to be moving in a dangerous and misguided direction. It must reverse course and concentrate on its true responsibilities. Immediate reforms, justice for the killings, and institutional strengthening should be the priority. Otherwise, this current trajectory will only lead to greater instability, insecurity, and danger for the country.
Anu Muhammad is former professor of economics at Jahangirnagar University.
Views expressed in this article are the author’s own.