June 19, 2026
JAKARTA – President Prabowo Subianto has rightly decided to launch a new diplomatic initiative on Myanmar. As a retired Army general who was democratically elected in 2024, he holds strong credentials with the military chiefs in the neighboring Southeast Asian state.
As de facto regional leader Indonesia cannot just stand by; it must help end the prolonged crisis the Myanmar people have endured and bring political and economic stability back to ASEAN.
Foreign Minister Sugiono’s meeting with Myanmar’s leader, Min Aung Hlaing, on June 8 was a good start for the expected shuttle diplomacy. This marked the first official visit of an Indonesian cabinet member to the war-torn country since Gen. Hlaing toppled the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021.
President Prabowo has a strong chance to replicate the achievements of Indonesia’s sixth president, former general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). During his two five-year terms from 2004 to 2014, SBY played a key role in convincing Myanmar’s generals to reform their military and political systems, ultimately allowing for democratic general elections.
We suggest that President Prabowo consult with SBY, and if necessary, appoint him as the President’s special advisor or envoy for Myanmar. Given their strong personal bond, dating back to their stint in the Military Academy in 1970s, it is highly likely that SBY would accept the request.
Back in 2007, SBY sent reformist retired general Agus Widjojo to talk with junta leader Thein Shwe and other generals, while maintaining intensive personal communication with Shwe himself. SBY won the trust of Myanmar’s military top brass because, as a retired general, he had won Indonesia’s first direct presidential election in 2004.
This trust yielded massive results. In 2011, the military started to ease its tight control and allowed democratic icon Suu Kyi to return to active politics. The junta’s concessions rewarded Myanmar with a major ASEAN prize: hosting the ASEAN Summit for the first time in 2014.
Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) subsequently scored landslide victories in both the 2015 and 2020 general elections. However, the military could no longer tolerate the civilian government and seized power once again on Feb. 1, 2021.
At the ASEAN Summit in May in Cebu, the Philippines, last month, regional leaders repeated the same demands to the Myanmar military. However, they fully realize they can no longer stick to the old approach.
There has been no meaningful progress since Min Aung Hlaing vowed to fulfill ASEAN’s objectives during the emergency summit in Jakarta in April 2021, a five-point consensus that is now definitively dead. Instead, in April this year, Hlaing practically declared himself the new president of Myanmar after winning a military-orchestrated election. While ASEAN does not officially recognize his victory, some member states have quietly reopened diplomatic channels.
Prabowo now has a distinct chance to follow SBY’s path and reassert Indonesia’s crucial leadership in ASEAN. However, Prabowo must remember that such a high-stakes peace-making mission requires thorough preparation. He should avoid spontaneous or impulsive decisions, such as offering hasty recognition to Myanmar’s current leadership without consulting other ASEAN members.
While there is a significant opportunity to create a historic breakthrough, the President must realize this is a highly complex mission. Hlaing remains fully confident that he can retain power indefinitely because the military is entirely under his control. Therefore, Prabowo should secure regular, first-hand information on the internal dynamics of Myanmar’s military, nuances Prabowo understands well, as a former general himself.
Some critics may argue that President Prabowo is embarking on a nearly impossible mission given Myanmar’s chaotic state and myriad factions. Yet, learning from past experience, Indonesia has the unique capability to rewrite history as a regional peacemaker.