September 16, 2025
MANILA – In a gated compound once hidden behind high walls in Pasig, a garage filled with Bentleys, Rolls-Royces, and Escalades now tells a story once buried in floodwaters.
It’s a story that has been told and retold countless times and one that seems to have no ending. It’s a story that revolves around only two themes—corruption and impunity.
The Pasig compound belongs to Sarah and Pacifico “Curlee” Discaya—the billionaire contractor couple whose names have emerged at the center of a widening scandal in the Philippines’ ₱545-billion flood control program.
In recent weeks, they became household names, not just for their opulence, but for the trail of public funds that allegedly helped build it.
READ: Marcos: 15 firms corner big flood control works
The tale they tell—in sworn statements, leaked documents, and lavish televised tours—reveals a chilling pattern: while communities across the country drowned in murky water, a few grew impossibly wealthy. And it wasn’t just contractors.
As the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee dug deeper, the Discayas dropped a bombshell: a list of lawmakers allegedly linked to ghost projects and anomalous flood control deals. It was a rare public crack in a system long protected by silence and paperwork.
This third and final part pulls back the curtain on the political machinery behind flood control—how pork, patronage, and profit flowed more freely than water, and how some of the country’s poorest flood-prone communities were left behind.
The ₱31-Billion power couple
An investigative report recently published by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) revealed that between July 2022 and May 2025, the Discaya family and their affiliated companies secured at least ₱31 billion worth of government contracts for flood control, spread across 421 projects.
This empire was built not on one firm, but on a web of companies, many incorporated under different names but allegedly run by the same people:
- Alpha & Omega Gen. Contractor & Development Corp. – ₱7.3B
- St. Timothy Construction Corporation – ₱7.04B
- St. Matthew Gen. Contractor & Development Corp. – ₱4.1B
- Great Pacific Builders and Gen. Contractor Inc. – ₱3.68B
- St. Gerrard Construction Gen. Contractor & Dev’t Corp. – ₱2.3B
- Way Maker General Contractor OPC – ₱219M
- YPR Gen. Contractor and Construction – ₱1.99B
- Elite General Contractors and Dev’t Corp. – ₱1.6B
- Amethyst Horizon Builders – ₱2.16B
READ: PCIJ: Discayas got whopping P31B in gov’t deals in last 3 years, Cos got P15B
In her 2025 campaign for mayor of Pasig, Sarah Discaya lost to incumbent Vico Sotto, who publicly alleged that three additional firms—YPR, Elite, and Amethyst—were also controlled by the Discayas, with Curlee Discaya allegedly listed as chief operating officer in all three.
No other contractors came close to the scale of their operations.
From bidders to billionaires—in just 3 years
Their rise was meteoric. A Vera Files opinion column noted that the couple, who were not widely known in the industry just a few years ago, suddenly cornered a massive chunk of public works funding, mostly through flood control.
Their growth coincided with the surge in the government’s flood allocations:
- In 2022: ₱128.96 billion
- In 2023: ₱182.99 billion
- In 2024: ₱244.57 billion
- In 2025: ₱248.08 billion
At a Senate hearing, Sarah Discaya confirmed that their family’s construction firms “bid for the same projects”—sometimes multiple companies of theirs vying for the same flood contract. This triggered suspicions of collusion or cartel-like behavior.
“That is not a legitimate bidding. Because those nine supposedly competing for one contract all have the same owner. So whoever among them wins that bidding, you’re still the winner,” Estrada said in Filipino.
READ: Nine Sarah Discaya firms lose PCAB licenses after Senate testimony
Senator Erwin Tulfo added: “Ang sagot po dyan, Senate Pro Tempore, nagbibiding-bidingan.” (The answer to that, Senate Pro Tempore, is that they’re only pretending to hold a bidding.)
Of the ₱545.64 billion worth of flood control projects reported from July 2022 to May 2025, nearly ₱100 billion went to just 15 contractors—two of which were Discaya-owned, and others were their reported proxies.
Paper projects, real money
Sifting through the Department of Budget and Management’s (DBM) DIME database and the Sumbong sa Pangulo files, a pattern of red flags emerges:
- Hundreds of “Not Yet Started” projects with contract amounts between ₱100 million and ₱200 million
- Repeated, rounded contract amounts — ₱150M, ₱100M, ₱200M — across various provinces
- Duplicate titles, vague scopes, or recycled project names
- Same contractors winning contracts in clusters, despite poor performance
In Bulacan, local reports and Sumbong sa Pangulo entries identified at least 10 “Not Yet Started” projects along the same rivers, some of which were listed multiple times under different titles but with near-identical scopes.
President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. personally inspected some of the most notorious examples in Bulacan, raising red flags during field visits. In August, he toured a “ghost” riverwall project in Baliuag City, one of several listed as completed but visibly unfinished.
During his visit, he angrily declared, “I’m getting very angry,” noting the surge in complaints received through his “Sumbong sa Pangulo” platform.
Days earlier, he similarly flagged two NEP-funded flood-control projects in Bulacan as ghost projects—one of which was purportedly completed for ₱56 million but was never built. A suspended Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) engineer later confessed that he had signed off on a ₱55-million “ghost” project as completed, despite no work having been done.
READ: No work done: ‘Angry’ Marcos mulls raps vs Baliuag flood project builders
The Commission on Audit (COA) followed suit, launching a fraud audit of Bulacan flood-control projects—especially high-value contracts—demanding geo-tagged photos and site inspections to verify their existence.
READ: COA files in Ombudsman fraud audit report on Bulacan flood control projects
Not everyone has faith in the checks and balances. In Hagonoy, Bulacan, where the DBM lists completed projects, the reality remains unchanged. As a resident bluntly reminded us:
“We never felt the budget … if meron man proyekto, hindi namin ramdam.”
(We never felt the budget … even if there was a project, we didn’t feel it.)
Lawmakers in the crosshairs
In late August, the PCIJ published a partial list of 18 lawmakers allegedly tied to government contractors through direct ownership, family ties, or campaign donations.
Among those named were three senators:
- Sen. Chiz Escudero: Received ₱30 million in campaign donations from Centerways president Lawrence Lubiano, whose firm bagged over 80 DPWH contracts in Sorsogon.
- Sen. Bong Go: Linked to CLTG Builders, owned by his father. Contractor Sarah Discaya confirmed in a Senate hearing that her firms had entered into a past joint venture with CLTG.
- Sen. Joel Villanueva: Received large campaign contributions from New San Jose Builders, one of the country’s top infrastructure contractors.
PCIJ also named 15 members of the House of Representatives, including:
- Rep. Elizaldy Co (Ako Bicol): Co-founder or relative of executives from Sunwest, Hi-Tone, and FS Co, all major government contractors.
- Rep. Augustina Pancho (Bulacan 2nd District): Her family owns C.M. Pancho Construction, a frequent DPWH recipient.
- Rep. Cristina Angeles (Tarlac 2nd District): Listed as vice president of Northern Builders Construction Corp.
- Rep. Ramon “Jolo” Revilla III (Cavite 1st District): Related to Graia Construction’s top shareholder.
However, even before the PCIJ exposé came out, some senators had already distanced themselves from the contractors flagged by President Marcos Jr.
“I do not know any senator linked to any of these 15 contractors,” Sen. Villanueva said in an August 11 press briefing.
READ: Villanueva: I don’t know any senator linked to 15 contractors Marcos named
The next day, Sen. Escudero acknowledged receiving a ₱30-million donation from the Centerways president, but denied exerting any influence in the awarding of contracts.
“I am not part of his business. Again, that’s the innuendo and insinuation being floated and propagated. Why don’t we look instead at which lawmakers and government officials are actual contractors and owners of companies that secured government contracts?” Escudero said.
Then, during a Senate hearing on September 8, the Discayas’ testimony and sworn affidavit added fuel to the fire. They named 17 lawmakers—all House members — whom she said asked for kickbacks or pressured her to award projects. Among them:
- Rep. Roman Romulo of Pasig
- Rep. Jojo Ang of Uswag Ilonggo Partylist
- Rep. Patrick Michael Vargas of Quezon City
- Rep. Juan Carlos “Arjo” Atayde of Quezon City
- Rep. Nicanor Briones of AGAP Partylist
- Rep. Marcy Teodoro of Marikina
- Rep. Florida Robes of San Jose del Monte, Bulacan
- Rep. Eleandro Jesus Madrona of Romblon
- Rep. Benjamin Agarao Jr.
- Rep. Florencio Noel of An-waray Partylist
- Rep. Reynante Arrogancia of Quezon
- Rep. Marvin Rillo of Quezon City
- Rep. Leody Tarriela
- Rep. Teodoro Haresco of Aklan
- Rep. Antonieta Eudela of Zamboanga Sibugay
- Rep Dean Asistio of Caloocan
- Rep. Marivic Co-Pilar of Quezon City
“We had no choice because if we didn’t cooperate, they would create problems for the project awarded to us through mutual termination or right-of-way issues, both of which would prevent the project from being implemented. After we won the bidding, some DPWH officials approached us to ask for and take their share of the project amount,” the Discayas said.
READ: Discaya alleges lawmakers, DPWH execs asked pay-offs after awards
Curlee Discaya II told the Senate that the percentages were given in cash, and each transaction has a voucher and a ledger stating which day the money was received by the other party.
However, Curlee also clarified during the same Senate hearing that no senators solicited money or were involved in any of the transactions conducted by their companies after securing project bids.
“With all the names you mentioned, were there any senators?” Sen. Jinggoy Estrada asked.
“None,” Discaya said.
Despite this clarification, the very next day, on September 9, fresh revelations surfaced in a House Committee on Public Works and Highways hearing.
Brice Ericson Hernandez, a former assistant district engineer at DPWH, claimed that senators were indeed involved in the flood control fiasco. Hernandez, who previously testified at the Senate, requested protection from the House panel after making this disclosure.
“Pwede po bang ‘wag niyo na po ako ibalik sa Senate? Kasi may mga involved pong senador dito at hindi ko po alam ang magiging kapalaran ko pag binalik niyo ako doon,” Hernandez said during the September 9 House hearing.
(Could you please not send me back to the Senate? Because there are senators involved here, and I don’t know what will happen to me if you send me back there.)
He went on and tagged Senators Estrada and Villanueva who are allegedly involved in the flood control anomaly.
“Habang po ako ay naka-detain nakapag-isip po ako na maglabas ng aking nalalaman tungkol sa flood control project,” he said, adding: “Si Senator Jinggoy po ay nagbaba ng P355 million ngayong 2025 sa mga ilang projects sa Bulacan. Ang sabi po ng boss ko dito 30 percent po ang commitment dito.”
(While I was detained, I thought of revealing what I know about the flood control project. Senator Jinggoy allocated ₱355 million in 2025 for several projects in Bulacan. According to my boss here, the commitment on this is 30 percent.)
READ: ‘Not safe’: Estrada dumped P355-M infra deals in Bulacan – ex-DPWH exec
He also stated: “600 million pesos last 2023 from Senator Joel Villanueva. At ang SOP nito ay 30 percent din. Binigay din ito noong lumabas sa GAA at idineliver sa bahay niya sa Bocaue ni DE (District Engineer) Alcantara at dating hepe ng aming construction si Engineer JP Mendoza.”
(₱600 million in 2023 from Senator Joel Villanueva. And the SOP for this was also 30 percent. This was given when it came out in the GAA and was delivered to his house in Bocaue by District Engineer Alcantara and our former construction head, Engineer JP Mendoza.)
READ: Ex-DPWH exec claims Villanueva complained of small allocation in 2023
His remark hinted at deeper entanglements at the upper levels of government—a contradiction that now places both legislative chambers in the spotlight. Who’s telling the truth?
Lawmakers respond
Several of the lawmakers named by the Discaya couple in their affidavit and testimony have since denied the allegations.
Rep. Juan Carlos “Arjo” Atayde of Quezon City said in a September 8 statement:
“I categorically deny the allegation that I benefited from any contractor. I have never dealt with them. Hindi po totoo ang mga akusasyon na ito. I have never used my position for personal gain, and I never will. I will avail of all remedies under the law to clear my name and hold accountable those who spread these falsehoods.”
Rep. Patrick Michael “PM” Vargas also issued a strongly worded denial:
“100% NOT TRUE. Ano kaya ang motibo nila? Walang project ang mga Discaya sa district natin kailanman. Zero. This is confirmed and certified. I will file a case against them for this blatant lie. My track record speaks for itself.”
(100% NOT TRUE. What could be their motive? The Discayas never had any project in our district. Zero. This is confirmed and certified. I will file a case against them for this blatant lie. My track record speaks for itself.)
READ: Solons deny involvement with Discayas, accusations
Rep. Marcy Teodoro of Marikina, in a September 8 statement, called the accusations a diversionary tactic by a syndicate to deflect from larger corruption issues within flood control projects:
“Walang katotohanan ang mga paratang ng mga Discaya. Isa lang itong demolition job—a cheap shot para siraan ako. […] Never akong humingi o tumanggap ng pera, pabor, o anumang benepisyo kapalit ng political influence o legislative action.”
(The allegations of the Discayas are not true. This is just a demolition job—a cheap shot to destroy me. […] I have never asked for or accepted money, favors, or any benefit in exchange for political influence or legislative action.)
He emphasized that he was not a congressman at the time the contract was awarded, and added:
“I am planning to file perjury because they gave false testimony in a legislative hearing, and perjury because they are under oath.”
READ: More House members deny Discayas’ kickback claims
Aside from the lawmakers, the Discayas also named former undersecretary Terrence Calatrava of the Office of the Presidential Assistant for the Visayas, and identified several DPWH officials allegedly involved in the flood control mess:
- Regional Director Eduarte Virgilio of DPWH Region V
- Director Ramon A. Arriola III of Unified Project Management Offices
- District Engineer Henry Alcantara of DPWH Bulacan 1st
- Undersecretary Robert Bernardo
- District Engineer Aristotle Ramos of DPWH Metro Manila 1st
- District Engineer Manny Bukusan of DPWH North Manila DEO
- District Engineer Edgardo C. Pingol of DPWH Bulacan Sub-Deo
- District Engineer Michael Rosaria of DPWH Quezon 2nd DEO
Meanwhile, the accusations made by Hernandez—particularly those implicating senators—triggered strong reactions from the two lawmakers he named.
In a plenary speech, Villanueva insisted that he had “never had a single flood control project” in his name. Citing audit trails, budget records, and official documents, Villanueva said he welcomed any investigation and would fully cooperate to clear his name.
“Wala po tayong tinatago,” (We are not hiding anything), he said. “I will not be distracted by lies… I will never ever destroy the name that was given to me by my parents because it’s priceless.”
He described the allegations as part of a “pattern of malicious falsehoods” meant to derail the Senate’s broader probe into corruption.
Estrada, on the other hand, branded the testimony as a “kathang-isip at gawa-gawa” (imaginary and made-up) and challenged his accuser to a lie detector test, and threatened legal action.
“I challenge him. LET’S TAKE A LIE DETECTOR TEST before the public so everyone will know who’s telling the truth,” Estrada said. “Talk is cheap—I’m ready to prove that everything he’s saying about me is nothing but lies.”
The senator said he will sue the former Bulacan assistant district engineer.
READ: Jinggoy Estrada to ex-DPWH engineer: Let’s take lie detector test
“I really do not know what his evil intentions are, siguro (maybe) he wants to get even with me because I’m the one who cited him in contempt at pinakulong sa Senado,” said Estrada.
Both senators framed the revelations as an attack not only on their reputations but also on the integrity of the ongoing investigations—raising the stakes for a scandal that now threatens to engulf both chambers of Congress.
Lavish lives, drowning towns
The most damning details weren’t on paper—they were on screen.
Viral video features and Senate hearings revealed the Discayas’ sprawling vehicle collection. Sen. Estrada claimed the couple owned 80 vehicles, with over 40 categorized as luxury cars—including a Rolls-Royce, Bentley, Cadillac Escalade, Mercedes-Benz AMG, and multiple GMC Yukon Denalis.
During a Bureau of Customs operation at the St. Gerrard Construction compound in Pasig, agents initially located a Maserati Levante and a Land Cruiser, later followed by the surrender of more high-end vehicles: a Rolls-Royce Cullinan, Bentley Bentayga, Mercedes-Benz AMG G63, GMC Yukon Denali, and others.
Senate records listed these units with individual values ranging from ₱5 million to ₱42 million. For instance, a 2023 Rolls-Royce Cullinan was valued at ₱42 million, and a 2022 Bentley Bentayga at ₱20 million. Other brands linked to the Discayas included Porsche, Jaguar, Maserati, and Maybach.
READ: Estrada: Discayas own 80 vehicles, over 40 of which are luxury cars
Online, photos of the vehicle fleet drew criticism from netizens, with many questioning how such wealth was amassed amid allegations of ghost projects and overpriced flood control deals.
“No wonder there’s no budget left for flood barriers,” one netizen quipped. Another joked: “[From] floods to riches.”
Luxury, entitlement, and the flood money backlash
But the Discayas weren’t the only ones drawing public scrutiny.
Netizens also turned their ire toward Claudine Co, the 27-year-old niece of Rep. Elizaldy “Zaldy” Co and daughter of Christopher Co, co-owner of Hi-Tone Construction and Development Corporation—one of the top 15 contractors awarded flood control projects flagged by President Marcos Jr.
Claudine Co, an influencer whose social media presence has since gone dark, was accused of posting a cryptic defense of her family’s wealth, allegedly saying:
“Like hello? Wala kaming utang na loob sa mga Pilipino, okay? This is not from taxpayers’ money; the Government literally paid us for the service that our business provided. Gets?”
READ: Narcissistic disorder: The psychology behind nepo babies
While the original post can no longer be found and remains unverified, posts and artcards of the alleged statement went viral, drawing thousands of furious reactions across platforms.
Critics slammed the perceived entitlement. One wrote: “You owe us clean streets, not crocodile tears.” Another added: “You don’t owe us? That’s our tax money in your vaults.”
Claudine Co’s lavish lifestyle had long been documented on her public social media accounts—now deactivated—including a viral house tour of their sprawling property, displays of designer handbags, fashion hauls, and travel diaries from over 38 countries.
Online backlash quickly intensified, with users dubbing her the “princess of the Philippines.” Others sarcastically commented: “Working hard para may pang-travel si Claudine Co” or “Ang tunay na iskolar ng bayan ay si Claudine Co.”
Inside men, outside bets
It’s not just the Discayas or the so-called “nepo babies” now in the spotlight for unapologetically flaunting a millionaire lifestyle as floodwaters engulf communities. The very officials tasked to build flood protection systems are facing scrutiny—not just for alleged collusion with contractors, but for their gambling-fueled spending habits.
In a scathing privilege speech on September 9, Senate President Pro-Tempore Panfilo Lacson exposed what he called the “flooded gates of hell”: a lavish casino trail allegedly blazed by five DPWH engineers in Bulacan, dubbed the “BGC Boys.”
But these weren’t Bonifacio Global City high rollers. “Hindi tambay ng High Street sa BGC ang mga ito—Hell Street siguro,” Lacson quipped.
(These are not hangouts at High Street in BGC—maybe Hell Street.)
According to PAGCOR records obtained by Lacson’s office, the group racked up ₱950 million in gross casino losses across 13 casinos in Metro Manila, Cebu, and Pampanga. The identities they used weren’t even real.
READ: Ex-DPWH execs tied to flood scam lost P950M in casinos – Lacson
“Hindi po basta nagsusugal—nagtatago sa mga alias, may kanya-kanyang fake ID,” Lacson warned, revealing their fictitious names and drivers’ licenses registered with the Land Transportation Office (LTO).
(They are not just gambling — they are hiding behind aliases, each with their own fake ID.)
Among those named:
- Henry C. Alcantara, former Bulacan District Engineer, alias “Joseph Castro Villegas”
- Brice Ericson G. Hernandez, current OIC District Engineer, alias “Marvin Santos de Guzman”
- Jaypee D. Mendoza, Assistant District Engineer, alias “Peejay Castro Asuncion”
- Arjay Domasig, DPWH Engineer II, posing as contractor for SYMS, alias “Sandro Bernardo Park”
- Edrick San Diego, who used his real identity
Lacson laid out the staggering casino losses per official:
- Hernandez: ₱435 million
- Mendoza: ₱418 million
- Alcantara (as alias “Villegas”): ₱36.7 million
- Domasig: ₱16.9 million
- San Diego: ₱42.4 million
Between August 2023 and April 2024, while floodwaters rose in many parts of the country, the same DPWH officials were reportedly racking up eye-watering winnings at Newport World Resorts, according to Senator Lacson.
Among them, Mendoza claimed the lion’s share, walking away with ₱320.1 million in declared winnings. Hernandez, already flagged for suspicious spending, followed with ₱189 million.
Meanwhile, San Diego took home ₱11.8 million, Domasig logged ₱7.3 million, and even Alcantara, who had already been tagged in other anomalies, reported ₱4.7 million in casino gains during that period.
But these so-called “winnings” raised more questions than applause.
Lacson presented more detailed breakdowns from casino transaction records spanning 2023 to 2025, focusing on the officials’ cash-to-chip and chips-to-cash transactions—two common indicators examined in money laundering probes.
In casinos, “cash-to-chip” transactions refer to money exchanged for gambling chips—often used to either gamble or give the appearance of gambling. “Chips-to-cash,” on the other hand, reflects the value of chips returned and converted back into money.
While these transactions may seem routine, the pattern of frequent high-value conversions—without corresponding gameplay—can signal possible money laundering, as it allows illicit cash to be “cleaned” through the system.
For example, Alcantara exchanged a total of ₱1.428 billion in cash for chips, and later cashed out ₱997.7 million—a massive swing for a public official. Hernandez, meanwhile, cashed in ₱659.9 million, but astonishingly walked out with ₱1.385 billion in cash from chips—double the amount he supposedly bought. Even Mendoza, who had far lower cash-in figures at ₱26.5 million, was able to cash out a whopping ₱280 million in return.
“B as in bilyon,” Lacson emphasized, driving home just how abnormal—and deeply suspicious—these figures were for DPWH district engineers.
These transactions, he warned, could reflect a classic case of chip recycling—where gambling tokens are used not to play, but to circulate public money and make it appear as legitimate income. The result? An illusion of luck masking the systemic plunder of state funds.
Notably, while the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee was holding hearings on these flood control anomalies, Hernandez was seen gambling at a Metro Manila casino as late as September 1, just days before Lacson’s speech.
“Habang naghi-hearing ang Senado, si Brice nasa casino. Sige pa rin ang pagpapasasa ng BGC Boys sa pera ng bayan,” Lacson declared. “Walang kahiya-hiya. Wala pong konsensya ang mga ito.”
(While the Senate was holding a hearing, Brice was in the casino. The BGC Boys kept indulging themselves with the people’s money. Shameless. These people have no conscience.)
He confirmed that his office has submitted the names and aliases to the Anti-Money Laundering Council, citing violations of AMLA, the Anti-Plunder Law, and Presidential Decrees prohibiting government officials from gambling.
This revelation, he said, is no longer about leaks in the system—it is a full dam collapse.
A culture of impunity
Even amid growing outrage over alleged flood-control corruption, formal accountability remains rare—and convictions rarer.
The Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) scam exposed in 2013 implicated dozens of lawmakers, government officials, and bogus NGOs in the diversion of billions in public funds.
Janet Lim-Napoles, the alleged mastermind, was convicted of plunder in 2018 and again in 2023 for a separate PDAF-related case. However, while several lawmakers were indicted, many were either acquitted or never charged despite damning audit trails and whistleblower testimonies.
Senator Estrada was acquitted of plunder in January 2024 but convicted that same month on one count of direct bribery and two counts of indirect bribery. However, the Sandiganbayan reversed those convictions on August 22, 2024, fully clearing him of all pork-barrel-related charges, with the acquittal upheld later that year.
Similarly, in the AFP’s 2011 “pabaon” scandal—where retiring generals received millions in discretionary funds—plunder charges were recommended, yet only a handful of officials were actually prosecuted.
Transparency watchdogs note that justice in such corruption cases is often partial and slow, fueling public cynicism: many officials implicated in major anomalies continue to serve and run for office, undeterred by serious allegations.
In the 2024–2025 flood-control scandal, ghost projects and suspicious contractor behavior prompted reactions from multiple agencies:
- The Commission on Audit (COA) is set to file charges against DPWH officials and contractors linked to “ghost” flood-control projects.
- Law enforcement agencies like the Bureau of Immigration (BI) began monitoring a contractor who left the country amid allegations.
Despite these actions and President Marcos’ SONA pledge to prosecute, no high-profile convictions or indictments have emerged to date—continuing a troubling trend in rewarding impunity.
Worse, some contractors linked to these scandals have remained dominant across administrations.
President Marcos Jr.’s revelation of the top 15 contractors for flood-control projects from July 2022 to May 2025 includes several familiar names. Among them: Legacy Construction Corporation, Alpha & Omega General Contractor, St. Timothy Construction, Sunwest Inc., and Hi-Tone Construction—firms that have consistently secured government contracts across multiple administrations.
Legacy Construction, for example, was ranked 10th during the Duterte administration, with ₱4.4 billion in awarded DPWH contracts. Sunwest and Hi-Tone were also among the top contractors under the Arroyo administration, each receiving more than ₱2.7 billion between 2001 and 2010.
St. Timothy and Alpha & Omega, while not directly named in earlier top rankings, are offshoots of St. Gerrard Construction, a Discaya-run firm that dominated public works under previous presidents. St. Gerrard was the top contractor under Duterte, with over ₱12.3 billion, and ranked 7th under Aquino, with ₱10.7 billion in projects.
Despite repeated controversy—including past links to delays, substandard work, and “ghost” projects—many of these contractors remained top awardees of DPWH projects. Their consistent reappearance on government lists, across changing political administrations, has only deepened public suspicion that flood-control budgets are shaped more by patronage than by performance.
A system built to fail
As revealed in Parts 1 and 2 of this series, the flood control budget has ballooned into one of the most abuse-prone and opaque programs in Philippine infrastructure.
- Over 6,021 projects lacked specifications for what structures were built, totaling ₱350 billion
- Only 13 of 170 pumping stations were built outside NCR
- Top contractors appeared across multiple regions
President Marcos had previously flagged top contractors with questionable flood control projects—some linked to “ghost” or “not yet started” infrastructure. But months later, no formal cases have been filed.
In his fourth State of the Nation Address (SONA), Marcos vowed reforms. The Senate Blue Ribbon Committee has since subpoenaed the top contractors, along with officials from the DPWH, DBM, and other government agencies embroiled in the controversy.
But for now, the floodwaters still rise.
And in provinces like Bulacan and Isabela—where floodwater laps at doorsteps year-round and residents sleep light in case the water rises overnight—the most visible thing built with billions in flood control funds is distrust.
READ: Growing outrage vs corruption: More protests coming
“Kung hindi sangkot ang gobyerno, edi makisama sila sa imbestigasyon,” one resident in Isabela said.
“Alam nating mayroong may sala dito—ang tanong na lang ay kung sino.”
(If the government isn’t involved, then it should cooperate with the investigation. Because we all know someone is at fault—the only question is who.)
From Hagonoy, a resident summarized a chilling verdict: “The budget was there. The conscience was not.”