February 17, 2025
SEOUL – Japan’s Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba may be struggling with rock-bottom approval ratings at home, but abroad, he has become an overnight sensation — one that world leaders are eager to emulate. His summit with the unpredictable and impulsive new US president, Donald Trump, demonstrated a masterclass in diplomacy, showcasing how to manage Trump’s erratic leadership style. Analysts believe Ishiba secured most of Japan’s key objectives through a strategy of “flattery diplomacy,” using warm praise and calculated compliments to win favor. For leaders of countries with vital relations with Washington — especially South Korea — Ishiba’s approach appears to offer valuable lessons.
Heading into the summit, Ishiba faced immense pressure. Since taking office last week, Trump had unsettled world leaders, both allies and adversaries, with steep tariffs and expansionist rhetoric. Canada and Mexico, two of America’s closest partners, were slapped with 25 percent tariffs, and Europe and other trade allies braced for what Trump called his “tariff war.” Adding to global unease, Trump expressed ambitions to acquire Greenland from Denmark and take control of the Panama Canal from Panama. With Japan enjoying a large trade surplus with the US and depending heavily on Washington for its security, it risked becoming Trump’s next target.
To shield Japan from damaging US policies, Ishiba knew he had to win Trump’s trust and admiration — just as former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe had done during Trump’s first term. Abe had cultivated a deep personal bond with Trump through generous gifts, rounds of golf (Trump’s favorite pastime), and other gestures of camaraderie. In return, Japan avoided major trade frictions and received strong security assurances. Understanding Trump’s reliance on personal chemistry in diplomacy, Ishiba followed Abe’s example — and it paid off.
Ishiba’s charm offensive was on full display. He presented Trump and his grandchildren with gold-plated traditional Japanese helmets, then showered the US president with praise during their joint press conference, making Trump beam with pride. “On television, he appears intimidating, with a strong personality,” Ishiba said through a translator, “but in person, he is sincere, powerful and deeply committed to the US.” He even went as far as to suggest that “God” had saved Trump from an assassination attempt for the sake of America — a remark that undoubtedly flattered the president. Coupled with promises of increased Japanese investment in the US and greater purchases of American products, Ishiba’s carefully crafted gestures helped secure Tokyo’s standing with the most powerful leader in the free world.
Of course, a flattered Trump does not necessarily mean a fundamental shift in US foreign policy. However, at least in the short term, Japan escaped the punitive tariffs Trump had imposed on other major trading partners. Additionally, Trump reaffirmed Washington’s unwavering commitment to Japan’s security amid growing tensions from Russia’s war in Ukraine, North Korea’s nuclear ambitions and China’s increasing assertiveness. Praising Ishiba’s diplomatic skills, Trump remarked, “I think he’s going to do a fantastic job as prime minister — a very strong person.”
Now that Japan has secured a degree of trust from Trump through personal diplomacy, South Korea faces the challenge of doing the same. Korea, arguably even more reliant on the US than Japan for economic and security reasons, would benefit from a similar approach. However, the timing is far from ideal. With President Yoon Suk Yeol facing impeachment, South Korea’s acting president, Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok, has yet to even speak with Trump, let alone meet him — despite Trump’s clear preference for face-to-face diplomacy.
If Yoon’s impeachment is upheld by the Constitutional Court, South Korea will likely hold new elections in the spring, with a new president taking office in the summer. Given the widespread public backlash against Yoon’s short-lived martial law, the opposition Democratic Party is favored to win. However, this raises concerns about future Seoul-Washington relations, as opposition leaders in South Korea have historically been less inclined to embrace US ties with the same warmth as conservative leaders.
Many of South Korea’s opposition figures were once fierce anti-American activists, criticizing US involvement in Korean politics and accusing Washington of backing past military dictators. While their views have since evolved and softened, some still harbor concerns over what they see as excessive US influence, particularly regarding inter-Korean relations.
A key reason for their grievances is historical. Some opposition leaders believe that Korea’s colonization by Japan and the subsequent division of the peninsula can be traced back to a secret US-Japan deal over a century ago. The 1905 Taft-Katsura Agreement allegedly saw Washington recognize Japan’s rule over Korea in exchange for US control of the Philippines. Although historians largely agree that the so-called agreement was a simple memorandum of personal opinions rather than an official treaty, many opposition figures still cite it as evidence of US complicity in Korea’s troubled past.
One such figure is Democratic Party President Lee Jae-myung, the current frontrunner among opposition presidential hopefuls. In a 2021 meeting with a US senator, Lee bluntly blamed the US for Korea’s past predicaments, raising the Taft-Katsura issue, a move critics saw as a diplomatic misstep. Lee has since softened his rhetoric to mitigate his perceived anti-American stance, emphasizing the importance of the Korea-US alliance. Yet given that he is from Korea’s proud and often nationalistic opposition camps, it is unclear whether he would be as friendly or flattering as Japan’s Ishiba if he were to meet Trump as South Korea’s new leader.
Lee Byung-jong
Lee Byung-jong is a former Seoul correspondent for Newsweek, The Associated Press and Bloomberg News. He is a professor at the School of Global Service at Sookmyung Women’s University in Seoul. The views expressed here are the writer’s own. — Ed.