February 28, 2025
MANILA – Impunity continues to be a scourge across the world. Despite global and regional averages for conflict and violence remaining “relatively stable,” raw data from key indicators point to an increase in levels of violence and unaccountable governance, per the 2024 Atlas of Impunity.
Now in its third edition, the index released by Eurasia Group and its expert advisory group last Feb. 14 tracks the abuse of power across five key dimensions: unaccountable governance, abuse of human rights, conflict and violence, economic exploitation, and environmental degradation.
Compared to its first two reports, the 2024 Atlas of Impunity took on a “citizen-centric approach,” putting a country’s people at its core. With this, the report’s most recent data and its historical series have been revised “to more clearly measure impunity as experienced by a country’s residents.” This shift reflects how impunity’s victims are “generally ordinary people,” per Eurasia Group, despite the chief perpetrators being a country’s most powerful individuals.
Key findings: Syria worst performer, Finland has least impunity
Of the 170 countries ranked, Syria emerged as the country where people face the most impunity. Completing the top five are Yemen, Myanmar, Afghanistan, and South Sudan.
SOURCE: 2024 ATLAS OF IMPUNITY
Finland is once again the top performer, followed by Denmark, Sweden, and several European countries, along with New Zealand. Among the Atlas’ most improved countries in 2024 are Sierra Leone and Guatemala.
2024 was a year of several consequential elections. The Atlas recorded a notable uptick in unaccountable governance, both globally and in geographic regions. It clarified, however, that rather than a response to outcomes at the polls, the increase should be seen as the backdrop against which 2024’s elections unfolded.
A closer look at Asia
Zooming in on Asia, the averages for the region—as well as for Eurasia (including Russia and Central Asia) and Latin America—fall in the middle, with impunity scores above the global average but lower than those of the regions where the level of impunity is highest (Middle East and North Africa or MENA and sub-Saharan Africa). As regards unaccountable governance, Asia bucked the trend with a “slightly” improved rating.
In South Asia, accountability levels “varied from poor to near median in the
global context,” per the report. Afghanistan remains the worst performer in the region in terms of the degree of impunity endured by its residents and is the fourth worst in the Atlas overall. Next-door neighbor Pakistan is the second-worst performer in South Asia, ranking 18th in the Atlas. India’s score slightly improved and ranks 55th overall—although its performance across the five dimensions is “varied.” Sri Lanka and Nepal, the Altas noted, have lower levels of impunity than those in India. Bangladesh, meanwhile, is described by the Atlas as “in flux,” its impunity score could either improve or worsen depending on the performance of the interim government led by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus.
Japan ranks 157th on the Atlas among the countries with the lowest levels of impunity and is the best performer in the region. PHOTO: UNSPLASH
Over in East Asia, citizens of the region have experienced a “steady improvement in impunity levels since 2019.” The Atlas clarified, however, that the average excluded countries such as North Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, as there was not enough data available to include them in the main ranking.
Japan ranks 157th on the Atlas among the countries with the lowest levels of impunity and is the best performer in the region. South Korea is the second-best-ranked in East Asia, despite its overall ranking dipping slightly in 2024 to 141st from 143rd the previous year—its worst performance since 2018. China, on the other hand, fell six places in the overall impunity ranking as it occupies the 45th spot globally. This reverses a gradual improvement that began in 2018.
Here in Southeast Asia, the Atlas noted that the level of impunity has “generally been consistent over the past five years,” with countries in the region mostly placing in the middle of the rankings. Myanmar is the only exception, having one of the world’s highest levels of impunity. Thailand and Vietnam are among the countries which have the most improved rankings since 2019.
Compared with most parts of the world, inhabitants of the rest of Southeast Asia “face minimal internal and external violence,” the Atlas mentioned. This contributed to “robust scores” for the conflict and violence dimension. It doesn’t disregard, however, the tensions simmering in the South China Sea, as well as the prolonged conflict in Myanmar.
A deeper dive into what impunity means
A long history of corruption (in general), centralised power in specific group/s of people (e.g., elites and political families and collectives), in particular, and a weakened state of integrity and accountability institutions have deepened the culture of impunity, according to Assistant Professor Charles Erize P. Ladia of the University of the Philippines’ Department of Speech Communication and Theatre Arts, in an interview with the Asia News Network. He adds that these factors result in public distrust of political systems and processes, or even politics itself.
With the Philippines as an example, Asst. Prof. Ladia, who is a PhD in Political Science student at the same university, says that recent years have seen many instances wherein institutions which seek accountability from the government are being threatened. “For instance, the integrity of elections before and even during the automated ones were always questioned,” he explains. “One which played out for a long time and has received the most attention was the 2016 vice presidential race between incumbent President Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos, Jr. against proclaimed winner Leni Robredo.”
Asst. Prof. Ladia also mentions how the country witnessed several Chief Justices of the Supreme Court on public trial, as well as former President Rodrigo Duterte’s attack on media, religious, and even academic institutions and his “trivialisation” of human rights, as factors which have further cultivated a sense of impunity in the country.
When we talk about the culture of impunity in general, he adds, we also talk about the ecology of information and communication available for the public. “When integrity and accountability institutions lose track of their main function in democracy, emerging socio-political actors take their role and serve as contemporary models of integrity and transparency, and to a certain extent, morality,” he explains. These emerging actors, Asst. Prof. Ladia laments, also belong to those who benefit from the culture of impunity and they cannot be checked because of the weakened institutions and the lack of interest of the civil society to verify the information they share.
This picture taken on December 9, 2024 shows displaced people transporting belongings at an internally displaced persons camp (IDP) in Pekon township in Myanmar’s Shan State. The Southeast Asian country has one of the world’s highest levels of impunity. PHOTO: AFP
In further understanding what impunity is, there is also a need to assess the language used to spread the beliefs, values, and behaviours in the community hosting this culture, according to Asst. Prof. Ladia. A macho populist rhetoric, for instance, not only in the Philippines but also in Asia and the world has aggravated the sense of panic and also, fear of citizens, he says.
“Populism involves creating a minority and a majority; the former being the ones deserving of the rights and protection of the government and the majority being villains and the elite. Its rhetorical strategy is used to rally the governments’ and its leaders’ supporters to go after institutions or movements which criticise them,” he explains. This then instigates negative emotions, such as fear, anger, insecurity among the population thus, further polarising them.
In recent years, he adds, we have seen several leaders who used their macho populist rhetoric to gather support against fact-checking institutions, sexual minorities (e.g., LGBTQ+ and female citizens), global minorities (e.g., migrants and refugees), and their opposition.
Impacts of impunity on ordinary people
When asked how a culture of impunity affects victims and their access to justice and redress, Asst. Prof. Ladia says that he looks at this from “the perspective of political efficacy.” This concept involves the people’s belief in the capacity of their voices and political participation to influence the government’s decision- and policy-making.
When the culture of impunity is strong, Asst. Prof. Ladia elaborates, it not only weakens the capacity of social and political institutions to exact accountability from the government but also, influences political efficacy in such a way that the general public loses belief in the system. This, he adds, may also further decrease their belief in their role in politics.
Moreover, he says that political efficacy is a predictor of political participation, hence, when one believes that their access to justice and redress is minimal, or worse non-existent, there is a tendency to not pursue the political process and just remain silent. “A culture of impunity ensures that these spaces for redress of grievance are not only minimal but also will take a long period of time which may dissuade citizens to file complaints or pursue the case, further contributing to the lack of trust on the political system,” he says.
Relatives of victims of extra-judicial killings in former president Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war, listen to stories by other relatives during a gathering at a church in Manila on April 8, 2024. PHOTO: AFP
When this happens, citizens find other forms of political participation through civil society organisations, social movements, or sometimes, among themselves, according to Asst. Prof. Ladia. For instance, many community groups (see Marcaida, 2021) were created during the Duterte administration’s drug war since the government was not open to calling these drug war-related killings as state-sponsored and was in denial of the realities on the ground. These served as spaces where access to justice may be redeemed and its advocacy may continue even after the Duterte regime.
Another example, he adds, is the emergence of the LGBTQ+ movement to assert the rights of the community since Philippine laws still do not recognise the SOGIESC Equality bill. LGBTQ+ organisations have assisted various cases of its community members and look for redress through different forms of protests and lobbying of the passage of the bill in both national and local governments (see Ladia, 2022).
Asst. Prof. Ladia emphasises that social movements and community organizations serve not only as accountability institutions of the government but also—and more importantly—as alternate forms of community engagement and citizen participation which may continuously fight against different forms of impunity.
Measures to combat impunity
There are measures in place that may address persistent issues stemming from impunity. Political commitment from leaders is one of these, per Asst. Prof. Ladia. The argument that they benefit from the culture, notwithstanding, political leaders’ commitment remains relevant in combating impunity, he admits. “These leaders still hold influence on the public and the branches of government. Hence, their support on relevant legislation and budget allocation on programs which may hasten justice and decisions will greatly benefit the fight against this culture.”
Second, he says, is having a more efficient justice and law implementation system. “As noted by many scholars, consistency of law implementation and a just system for punishment are required in order to address impunity and regain the trust of the citizens in the justice process,” he says.
Third, according to Asst. Prof. Ladia, is a shift from a patronage political culture to a program-based political culture. While this requires a whole shift in personal political perception, he explains, there is a need to change patronage political beliefs, especially in countries like the Philippines. “This means that politicians should not be seen as providers of personal gains but as professionals who should be required to report their progress to the electorate and be of moral high ground since they are public employees, too,” he emphasises. “This shifts the citizens’ role as well from being beneficiaries of government programs to clients, who need to be satisfied with the services they get from the government.”
Student members of the LGBTQIA+ community celebrate as they attend a “Rainbow Graduation” in Quezon City, Metro Manila on June 22, 2024. PHOTO: AFP
Fourth is the passage of relevant gender-based policies. Part of the culture of impunity is the disregard of certain intersectional realities in a particular country. In the Philippines, for instance, this includes the plight of women in failed marriages and the socio-political discrimination against members of the LGBTQ+ community, per Asst. Prof. Ladia. “Passing laws like divorce and the SOGIESC Equality will not only give them redress for the discrimination they receive and a voice to speak out their truth but also, give them an equal chance for a better life,” he adds.
Another measure is to open deliberative sites for people and citizen engagement. Issues on environmental degradation, economic exploitation, and human rights abuse will benefit largely when citizens who have experiences on these issues will be actively sought for recommendations and reports, he says. Deliberation among citizens, especially on issues that directly affect them, will elicit possible and effective solutions to these issues. This could cultivate citizen engagement and may institutionalise private and grassroots systems of accountability and redress.
Lastly, is ensuring the continuous presence of an active civil society. This can only be done if the government ensures that its civil society is not threatened to work on their advocacy, to assert these in public decision- and policy-making, and to utilise their recommendations as valid forms of referendum on the ground.
Impunity, Asst. Prof Ladia notes, lasts for generations and active civil society and social movements serve as repositories of memory and history, which may be needed in the battle against the culture of forgetting. Civil society may also involve competitive and committed media institutions to engage the government in accountability check, inform the citizens of the current progress of certain issues, and also, develop their content to get the attention of the younger generation.
Commitment and political will from government leaders are required to institute these structural changes, Asst. Prof. Ladia stresses. “Furthermore, it takes commitment not only from the government and its leaders, but also the citizens to involve themselves in politics not only through elections but through an intelligent and consistent form of political citizenry.”
To access the full 2024 Atlas of Impunity report, visit this site.